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Author Topic: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden  (Read 18057 times)

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AGelbert

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He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Agelbert NOTE: Scholar Judy Klass tells it like it is. My hat is off to her for this expert accurate analysis of the inexcusable actions by Trump 🦀 and his wrecking crew .

Quote
How do you think history will look at the Trump administration's policy of separating families at the border and putting children in what could be called concentration camps?

Judy Klass  , Truman Scholar, D.Phil Political Science/Latin American Studies, bookish wonk


Answered Jun 26, 2018

Hyperbole is dangerous. It’s true that even Godwin has said that thoughtful, well-informed people might compare Trump ‘s rhetoric with Hitler’s without looking ridiculous via Godwin’s Law — and after all, Trump’s rhetoric since he launched his campaign has been all about scapegoating the Other, and may well be modeled on the rhetoric that brought Hitler to power.

Donald Trump 'kept book of Adolf Hitler's speeches in his bedside cabinet and may have read it for inspiration'

But it’s tricky to talk about concentration camps. It bothers me when the internment camps in which Japanese Americans were held during World War II, as awful and unjust and un-American as they were, are called concentration camps — because for most people, concentration camp = death camp. It means Auschwitz. (Or “Holocaust Centers,” as Sean Spicer might say.) There are rotten, dehumanizing prisons for civilians in many places, but not many where huge numbers of people of all ages are gassed to death, their bodies then burned in crematoria. That was unusual. I’d only compare a few things to that: the Killing Fields of Pol Pot in Cambodia, what the Serbian Christians did to Bosnian Muslims at Srebenica over the course of a few days in the 1990s — the ugliest and most genocidal impulses that people have.

The internment camps that Japanese Americans were forced to live in may be a better analogy for the camps that the Trump administration now plans for parents and children who come here seeking asylum. (Those internment camps are the one thing that a lot of people condemn FDR for — and the only thing about FDR that Trump has talked about admiringly.) And there are crummy facilities for refugees all over the world.

The policy of separating children at the border that’s been in place for months — that’s kind of its own thing. Abusing refugee children to penalize their parents … I hadn’t quite heard of that one before. That’s something kind of distinctive and new that will be remembered about this administration. History will view it as being of a piece with numerous Trump era policies: framing various vulnerable minority groups as the dangerous “invading,” “infesting” Other; casually lying as smoothly as Hitler did and with the same gusto; appealing to people’s lizard brains and basest impulses; incompetent and incoherent policies that do as much harm accidentally as the few well-organized policies do intentionally … it’s of a piece with allowing 4,600 Americans to die in Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria and lying wildly about the numbers. It’s of a piece with mocking a Gold Star family because they are Muslim. It’s as ugly and incoherent and unjustifiable as the travel ban that the Supreme Court has now upheld. And so on.

Sessions and Trump and Nielsen and Huckabee Sanders — they can prevaricate and say oh, blame Democrats, blame the courts, this has been the policy all along, but it’s a policy John Kelly and Stephen Miller and Jefferson Beauregard Sessions came up with and put in place, and Miller and Sessions have acknowledged as much in the past. Under Obama, if a family turned themselves in at the border, the parent would be given a court date for the misdemeanor — and there was often someone they knew that they all could stay with until then, and most of the time they’d show up for their hearing, and if they were considered a flight risk, the parent could wear an ankle bracelet. That cost a little money, but not the thousands we’re now paying every day for each parent and child housed separately — and, soon, possibly housed together, indefinitely. It’s a waste of tax-payer dollars on an unnecessary policy because the system was working before and there were few crimes committed by those released on their own recognizance.

The Trump administration implemented this jarringly cruel policy of separating children from parents with no good system for keeping track of both, no long-term plan for how to reunite them, and now they have no clear plan for the changed policy they’ve announced … it’s wasteful, mean-spirited incompetence tinged with racism, all the way down the line.

That’s what history will remember about this policy and about this administration in general: no thought, no care, just the petulant, impulsive wrecking of long-standing policies and treaties that have been painstakingly assembled and were working well, casual violations of human rights, and cruelty for its own sake — again and again.

https://www.quora.com/How-do-you-think-history-will-look-at-the-Trump-administrations-policy-of-separating-families-at-the-border-and-putting-children-in-what-could-be-called-concentration-camps

He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Bodies of 95 black forced-labor prisoners from Jim Crow era unearthed in Sugar Land after one man's quest

By Meagan Flynn / The Washington Post Jul 18, 2018

Today the city of Sugar Land is a sprawling suburb southwest of Houston, home to Imperial Sugar Co., shopping malls and endless cul-de-sacs. ... But, more than a century ago, it was a sprawling network of sugar cane plantations and prison camps. Sugar Land was better known then as the Hellhole on the Brazos. From sun up to sun down, convicts who were leased by the state to plantation owners toiled in the fields chopping sugar cane sometimes until they "dropped dead in their tracks," as the State Convention of Colored Men of Texas complained in 1883.

In modern-day Sugar Land it was all easy to forget - but not for one man named Reggie Moore, who couldn't stop thinking about it. ... Moore started researching Sugar Land's slavery and convict-leasing history after spending time working as a prison guard at one of Texas's oldest prisons, but his curiosity evolved into obsession. He had a hunch. Based on what he learned, he believed that the bodies of former slaves and black prisoners were still buried in Sugar Land's backyard. He focused his attention on a site called the Imperial State Prison Farm, the one that bore the name of the country's premier sugar company.

For 19 years he searched for their bodies, stopping just short of sticking a shovel in the dirt himself. ... "I felt like I had to be a voice for the voiceless," said Moore, who is African American. ... This week, his quest produced results. ... At the former Imperial State Prison Farm site, archaeologists have unearthed an entire plot of precise rectangular graves for 95 souls, each buried 2 to 5 feet beneath the soil in nearly disintegrated pinewood caskets. The 19th century cemetery was unmarked, with no vestige of its existence visible from the surface.

And it was almost "truly lost to history," archaeologist Reign Clark of Goshawk Environmental Consulting told The Washington Post. ... The graves were found, really, by accident. The local Fort Bend Independent School District began construction on a new school at the former prison site in October. Then in February, a backhoe operator happened to see something jutting out of the dirt. He thought it was a human bone.
....

Read more: https://www.richmond.com/news/trending/bodies-of-black-forced-labor-prisoners-from-jim-crow-era/article_d16495ca-db43-550c-918f-0ac9b65fcb30.html


Just about the best book I've read in the last few years was "Slavery by Another Name." It was written by Douglas Blackmon, who at the time was the Atlanta bureau chief of The Wall Street Journal. He is now at the University of Virginia.

-- -- -- --

https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120674340028272915

BOOKS EXCERPT

A Different Kind of Slavery

After Abolition, Forced Labor Thrived in South; Helping Rebuild Atlanta

By Douglas A. Blackmon

Updated March 29, 2008 12:01 a.m. ET

A Different Kind of Slavery

At the center of a massive new real-estate development in Atlanta, an $18 million monument designed to honor 2,000 years of human achievement is nearing completion. When it opens this summer, a museum inside the Millennium Gate also will pay special tribute to the accomplishments and philanthropy of some of the founding families of modern Atlanta. Organizers say plans for the exhibit don't include one overlooked aspect of two of the city's post-Civil War leaders: the extensive use of thousands of forced black laborers. The builders of the 73-foot archway say the museum is too small to convey every aspect of the city's founders and that it's appropriate to focus on the positive aspects of these men. In this adaptation from his new book, "Slavery by Another Name," Douglas A. Blackmon, Atlanta bureau chief of The Wall Street Journal, chronicles how companies owned by these two men used forced labor to help rebuild Atlanta -- a practice that was widespread through the South.

Millions of bricks used to make the sidewalks and streets of Atlanta's oldest neighborhoods -- many of them still in use today -- came from a factory owned by James W. English, the city's former mayor, and operated almost entirely with black forced laborers. Many had been convicted of frivolous or manufactured crimes and then leased by the city to Mr. English's company, Chattahoochee Brick Co.

Between the Emancipation Proclamation and the beginning of World War II, millions of African-Americans were compelled into or lived under the shadow of the South's new forms of coerced labor. Under laws enacted specifically to intimidate blacks, tens of thousands were arbitrarily detained, hit with high fines and charged with the costs of their arrests. With no means to pay such debts, prisoners were sold into coal mines, lumber camps, brickyards, railroad construction crews and plantations. Others were simply seized by southern landowners and pressed into years of involuntary servitude.

At the turn of the 20th century, at least 3,464 African-American men and 130 women lived in forced labor camps in Georgia, according to a 1905 report by the federal Commissioner of Labor.

-- -- -- --

https://millercenter.org/experts/douglas-blackmon

DOUGLAS BLACKMON
Director of Public Programs, Executive Producer of American Forum

Douglas A. Blackmon is the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II , and co-executive producer of the acclaimed PBS documentary of the same name. He is also executive producer and host of American Forum, a public affairs program produced by the University of Virginia’s Miller Center and aired on more than 200 public television affiliates across the U.S.

His book, a searing examination of how the enslavement of African-Americans persisted deep into the 20th Century, was awarded the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for General Non-Fiction. The Slavery by Another Name documentary was broadcast in February 2012 and attracted an audience of 4.8 million viewers. Slavery by Another Name grew out of his 2001 article on slave labor in The Wall Street Journal. It revealed the use of forced labor by dozens of U.S. corporations and commercial interests in coal mines, timber camps, factories, and farms in cities and states across the South, beginning after the Civil War and continuing until the beginning of World War II.

Blackmon was the longtime chief of The Wall Street Journal’s Atlanta bureau and the paper’s Senior National Correspondent, and was a contributing editor at the Washington Post. He has written about or directed coverage of some of the most pivotal stories in American life, including the election of President Barack Obama, the rise of the tea party movement, and the BP oil spill. Overseeing coverage of 11 southeastern states for the Journal, he and his team of reporters were responsible for the Journal’s acclaimed coverage of Hurricane Katrina and the failed federal response after that disaster; the Journal’s investigation into the training and preparations of the 9/11 hijackers in Florida; immigration; poverty; politics; and daily reporting on more than 2,500 corporations based in the region.

As a writer and editor at large, Blackmon led the Journal’s coverage of the tea party and the final hours before the BP oil spill—for which he and a team of other Journal writers were finalists for the 2011 Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting. Those stories received a Gerald Loeb Award in June 2011.

https://www.democraticunderground.com/10142112480
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #303 on: September 09, 2018, 11:33:14 am »
Brett Kavanaugh is a Threat to Racial Justice and Voting Rights

BY Marjorie Cohn Truthout

PUBLISHED September 8, 2018

SNIPPET:

Quote
Hirono quoted an email in which Kavanaugh wrote, “I think the testimony needs to make clear that any program targeting Native Hawaiians as a group is subject to strict scrutiny and of questionable validity under the Constitution.”

That email was one of tens of thousands of documents the GOP-led Senate Judiciary Committee had marked “committee confidential” in an unprecedented attempt to hide them from the public. By releasing that email, Hirono risked censure, discipline or removal from the Senate.

Hirono, who said Kavanaugh’s views on Native Hawaiians are “factually wrong” and incredibly offensive, told the nominee:

full article:

https://truthout.org/articles/brett-kavanaugh-is-a-threat-to-racial-justice-and-voting-rights/
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #304 on: September 25, 2018, 06:13:48 pm »
Debate Recap: 2018 Maryland Governor’s Race

September 25, 2018

Incumbent Republican Larry Hogan 😈 and Sanders-backed Democrat Ben Jealous ✨square off in the only debate in the race for Maryland Governor


https://therealnews.com/stories/debate-recap-2018-maryland-governors-race
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #305 on: September 27, 2018, 10:48:03 pm »
Blasey Ford/Kavanaugh Testimony Exposes Deep Misogyny and Political Divides

September 27, 2018

An emotional day of testimony by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford and Judge Brett Kavanaugh displayed our political partisanship while exposing the raw nerve of sexual assault



https://therealnews.com/stories/blasey-ford-kavanaugh-testimony-exposes-deep-misogyny-and-political-divides
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #306 on: September 29, 2018, 07:16:56 pm »
Quote
🦍 👹 😈 Does anyone actually believe the allegations against Kavanaugh? Isn't it a little fishy that all of a sudden every Republican politician is under fire for things that no one can prove?

MG Berge 👍👍👍, Consultant

Answered Friday, September 28, 2018
 
Yesterday was a watershed moment for me as a Fat old privileged white man. My suggestion is that you listen carefully and digest before reveling in your partisan thoughts.

First off, I do believe the allegations against Kavanaugh, in part due to Ford’s testimony, in part due to his, but even more so due to my personal realizations. His anger and tears were the emotions of a man caught in a lie. Have patience with me as I tell you a relevant story. It was just over 18 years ago that I met my lovely wife. During our short courtship period, she revealed her traumatic story to me. As a single young mother, several years before we met, she was assaulted in much the same manner as Ford claims. Having just started a new job one month prior, she was encouraged to attend a dinner with a good many co-workers as well as very senior executives in the conference room at a local hotel/convention center. People were laughing and showing off pictures of their families. It seemed to be a good team building moment. At the end of the two-hour event, she has a foggy recollection of being carried upstairs by two of the senior execs, unable to move. Now if you assume she had consumed too much, you would be wrong as she was a competitive bodybuilder/fitness athlete. She did not drink and was obsessive about her diet. Something was put into her water.

Those two senior execs, that had spent a great deal of time showing her pictures of their families and winning her trust, R A P E D HER. She recalls it very clearly. Having two kids to feed, she was worried about her job and struggled to go to work the next day, but she went. Noticing she was distraught, two female co-workers asked and she relayed the incident, whereby she was encouraged to go to the hospital. She did so only after finishing the day's work as she was afraid of losing her job. The police came, she was photographed (there were many marks) and in the end, she did not press charges. WHY? Again, she was afraid of losing her job and she knew that she would be condemned, not the senior execs. There were kids to feed.

I was certainly compassionate when I heard the story, but it just did not really register on me. Then we have yesterday. I had the TV on to the news (mostly for noise) while I worked in my home office. I had not one inkling that this hearing should have an effect on my wife. Oh, but did it have an effect. Ms. Ford’s testimony had my wife transfixed, it brought everything back for her as if the event in question was yesterday. How in the sam hell could I be so blind, so inconsiderate and stupid?

The answer to the how is that I am one of the guilty, that being a privileged old white man. No, I have never assaulted or **** anyone, far from it, but I certainly have been callous to women's rights. I laughed at the life-sized Wile E Coyote doll in the trophy case of the team house. One arm cut off and a name tape across the chest and a spare silly looking hat on its head. It was a trophy that some worked hard to win, though I will let you all imagine how. I have told jokes at women's expense and unconsciously looked at women in the workplace as playing only a supporting role. I have bought into the sexual objectification of women as promoted by TV/print advertising as well as Hollywood and the conservative culture I grew up in. I was taught that us men were proper and conservative when in reality we were selfish p r i c k s.

Last night I realized my gross stupidity but it took the suffering of my wife watching this entire sordid affair to do so. I feel horrible.

The whole confirmation/Republican/Democrat thing is nothing but bullshit. I was sickened by both Republicans and Democrats yesterday as both used Dr. Ford as nothing but an expendable tool in order to get their way. I often think we have fallen so far, but then again, maybe we have never climbed out of the stinking hole filled with s h i t that we have always been in.

My concept is “when in doubt, throw it out”. 👍 This is a job interview and the Judge is owed nothing. The response should be “Thank you Mr. Kavanaugh, you are impressive but we need to look elsewhere”. There is no shortage of candidates that have no baggage. I am happy that all of this is coming out, painful though it may be. Change is needed and the privileged white guy needs to be taken down a notch or 50.

It is time we start acting like dignified people pulling in a unified direction. This selfishness and tribal mentality will quickly destroy a great nation. We can be better than this!!!!!!!

Edit:

While I am trying to keep up with comments and clarify where I can, it is getting a bit out of my hands, so I thought I would add a couple points here. In regards to women's, rights, I am heartened to see the groundswell of activity and attitude that has occurred over the last several years. Writing the words “women's rights” seems odd to me as those rights should be expected, taken for granted. But they have not been and we are now seeing the results. I say it is about time.

As to Judge Kavanaugh, I have said enough about him already. There are enough words floating around out there professing his guilt or innocence, how this is right or wrong so that I do not need to add any more insight. What I see this being about is full disclosure. Not by Kavanaugh but by all women. There has been so much abuse specifically because us men have not been held accountable. Understandably. most women HAVE BEEN afraid to come forward after an assault.

Even today, my wife does not want anyone to know about her assault. In fact, I am feeling bad about this written story right now and it may have to come down. She is afraid of how it could affect her in the workplace, how it could affect the opinions of friends and family. Embarrassed, ashamed, scared or maybe just fearful of having to continually face the memories are all reasons for staying silent. Then we have the knowledge that for so long, the victim will be held to blame and the assaulter will face no repercussions.

Us men have gotten away with our poor behavior for so long, comfortable in the knowledge that no one will say anything, and if they do we can just deny it. This confirmation process is stoking the fires of anger in many, many women. They are sharing their story, opening the floodgates. Doing this by many will change the calculation. When aggressors realize it will be much harder to get away with poor behavior, there will be less poor behavior to try and get away with.

To be sure, there will be collateral damage, impacts to undeserving men, it is inevitable. Maybe that collateral damage will be to Kavanaugh, maybe to me. If so, that's fine as everything good in life comes at a cost.

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He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #307 on: October 16, 2018, 06:46:06 pm »
As Far Right 🦍👹 Marches in London, UK Teachers Organize Against Racism

October 15, 2018

Educators gathered in Leeds to share strategies on how to combat growing racism, xenophobia and and Islamophobia across the UK


https://therealnews.com/stories/as-far-right-marches-in-london-uk-teachers-organize-against-racism
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #308 on: October 31, 2018, 08:28:21 pm »
After White Supremacist Terror, Trump Doubles Down from Birthright to the Border

October 30, 2018

In the aftermath of a spate of white supremacist violence from Florida to Kentucky to Pittsburgh, President Trump is ramping up nativism and xenophobia. The U.S. is deploying up to 14,000 troops to the U.S.-Mexico border, purportedly in response to a caravan of Central American asylum seekers. Trump also says he might revoke birthright citizenship for the babies of non-citizens. We are joined by historian Gerald Horne of the University of Houston


Story Transcript

AARON MATE: It’s The Real News. I’m Aaron Mate.

From pipe bombs in the mail, to the killing of two black shoppers in Kentucky, to the synagogue massacre in Pittsburgh, the U.S. is grappling with yet a new round of white supremacist terror. But in the aftermath of this incident, and just days before the midterms, President Trump is ramping up the nativism and xenophobia that has stoked white supremacists. First, on Monday, federal officials announced plans to send 5,200 active duty troops to the U.S.-Mexico border in response to a caravan of Central American asylum seekers fleeing violence in dire conditions at home.

SPEAKER: Our message to the organizers and participants of this caravan is simple: As the President and Secretary Nielsen have made clear, we will not allow a large group to enter the United States in an unsafe and unlawful manner. For those that seek to cross the border illegally. We will apprehend them and fully enforce the laws of the United States. For those that seek to make an asylum claim safely and lawfully in a port of entry, the governor of Mexico has already offered you protection and employment authorization. If you are fleeing alleged persecution at home, you have arrived at a safe place to make your claim.

AARON MATE: According to Newsweek, the size of the U.S. force on the border could top 14,000. This comes amid reports that Trump is mulling executive actions to shut down border entry entirely, and even suspend habeas corpus, which grants detainees the right to appear before a judge.

Then on Tuesday, Trump announced yet another potential executive action. Speaking to AXIOS, Trump said he might revoke birthright citizenship for babies of noncitizens and undocumented immigrants.

DONALD TRUMP: Now they’re saying I can do it just with an executive order. Now, how ridiculous- we’re the only country in the world where a person comes in, has a baby, and the baby is essentially a citizen of the United States for 85 years with all of those benefits. It’s ridiculous. It’s ridiculous. And it has to end.

REPORTER: Have you talked about that with counsel?

DONALD TRUMP: Yeah, I have.

REPORTER: So where in the process is-

DONALD TRUMP: It’s in the process. It’ll happen. With an executive order. That’s what you’re talking about, right?

Yeah, that’s exactly what I was talking about.

That’s very interesting. I didn’t think anybody knew that but me. I thought I was the only one.

AARON MATE: Joining me to discuss Trump’s latest anti-immigrant actions is Gerald Horne, historian and professor of history and African-American studies at the University of Houston. Welcome, Dr. Horne. Let me ask you first about this latest announcement from Trump today about birthright citizenship. Do you think that he even has the constitutional authority to end birthright citizenship for noncitizens? And if he doesn’t, then as a historian, what do you make of what he’s doing here?

GERALD HORNE: Apparently he does not have the authority to end birthright citizenship via an executive order. That is the impression I got from the words not only of Speaker Paul Ryan, but also from a survey of a number of leading constitutional scholars.

Having said that, we all know that the Republicans have packed the courts, the federal courts, in recent months and years. And many of these federal judges owe a debt of gratitude to the Republicans and Mr. Trump personally for him placing them on the court. And so it’s possible that there could be a wildcard federal judge, and certainly a wildcard Supreme Court, that could pass on that. I doubt it. But we’re in a different age right now. It’s obvious that many of our liberal friends have miscalculated when they overestimated the democratic potential nature of the United States of America, and the Bill of Rights, particularly. And I’m afraid to say that many of us are going to pay the price for that miscalculation.

AARON MATE: As a historian, when you hear Trump speak like this, what historical parallels come up for you? I’ll just say for myself that my thought today was I was recalling how the Nazis, back when they were formulating their own so-called racial purification laws, that they looked to the United States for inspiration.

GERALD HORNE: That’s true. There’s been a good deal of scholarship with regard to that, particularly how the Nazis looked the United States for so-called antimiscegenation laws. That is to say, laws in the United States that basically made it verboten for those defined as white to marry those defined as black. Obviously in Germany that was transferred to the German non-Jewish population and the Jewish population.

That is one striking parallel, but of course there are striking parallels from U.S. history itself. We should not forget the fact that when the Ku Klux Klan arose post-1865 in the wake of the U.S. Civil War, in many ways they were the armed wing of the Democratic Party. That is to say, the Democratic Party then being the party of Jim Crow, the party of Dixie. And that kind of terrorism that was inflicted, not least on black people post-1865, we hear echoes at least of that kind of policy in 2018 as enunciated by the present occupant of the White House.

AARON MATE: OK. So you mentioned 1865. So just 13 years later, in 1878, you have the signing of the Posse Comitatus Act, which bars military forces from playing a role in domestic law enforcement. Now there is talk of that being suspended, along with the suspension of habeas corpus, as I mentioned earlier, giving people the right to appear before a judge in this crackdown on the border, with Trump sending thousands of troops there, possibly over 14,000, which is about as many as are in Afghanistan right now.

And yesterday at the White House, White House Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders was asked about this, and whether these drastic steps, these suspensions of constitutional protections, is on the table.

REPORTER: Now those are options on the table?

SARAH HUCKABEE SANDERS: Look, I’m not going to get into specific policies that we’re considering. There’s a number of actions that we’re looking at taking. When we’re ready to make an announcement on that front, we’ll let you know.

AARON MATE: That’s Sarah Huckabee Sanders. So Dr. Horne, if Trump is sending thousands of troops to the border, is he violating Posse Comitatus? And would there be a historical parallel for such an infringement, as he’s apparently doing that?

GERALD HORNE: Well, once again I’d have to give a similar response as I gave to the previous question; that is to say, that there is an argument that he is in violation of the law, but there is a counter argument that if he goes before the so-called right judge, that will not matter. It reminds me of what Trump’s lawyer Roy Cohn, the late Roy Cohn, the anticommunist fixer and colleague of Senator Joe McCarthy, once said. When he went into court he didn’t want to know what the law is, he wanted to know who the judge is. And I think that that’s the kind of philosophy that you see taking place with regard to Mr. Trump’s actions.

Secondly, this removal or threat to remove habeas corpus is particularly dangerous. That is a long-standing writ that goes back to England hundreds of years ago which allows a prisoner improperly detained to go before a judge and be released. That suggests that there will be a mass roundup of some sort where people will not be able to go to a federal judge to be released.

And then thirdly, I think you have to look at the fact or the possibility that what Mr. Trump is saying is a desperate electoral gambit. That is to say, the midterm elections are taking place on Tuesday. There are polls that suggest that the Republicans will lose the House. More to the point, the Houston papers in particular are talking about a Beto bump; that is to say, senatorial candidate Beto O’Rourke, who’s running against incumbent Ted Cruz. He’s behind in the polls. But the so-called Beto bump might wipe out Republican Congressman Will Hurd, a former CIA analyst who is now in the Congress. He’s running against a very strong Democratic candidate who is expected to benefit from the Beto bump. And it’s possible that Mr. Trump is trying to prevent other Beto bumps by ginning up the right-wing base, particularly in southern Texas.

AARON MATE: So in terms of these threats to all these basic rights, now, there is a growing fear that this is not just being done to target undocumented people, but this is also part of a process that wants to gin up fear in order to justify cracking down on dissent on progressives at home, working people, to crush strikes. And I’m wondering, in this context, to what extent is the historical crackdown on working people, the crushing of unions- a huge theme especially in the 20th century- how has that contributed to what we’re seeing today, and actually to the appeal and the power of white supremacy across the country?

GERALD HORNE: Well, I couldn’t have asked a better question myself. One of the things I’ve been stressing in recent days, months, and indeed, years, is that you cannot underestimate the potency of the Red Scare, which not least routed progressive labor. I oftentimes cite the case of Harry Bridges, the leader of West Coast Longshore, who led the San Francisco General Strike of 1934. Happened to be born in Melbourne, Australia. And therefore it led to repeated efforts not only to deport him, but to weaken his progressive leadership. The Union, the International Longshore and Warehouseman’s Union, had to spent a pretty penny out of its treasury in order to keep their leader from being deported. I could also cite the case of Ferdinand Smith, a black Jamaican who was number two in the National Maritime Union, who actually was deported in the early 1950s, which led to the demolishing, virtually, of the National Maritime Union, which he led, turning ships into floating slums.

That also led to a devastation of political education which has been particularly harmful to the working class. Particularly, I would say, those working-class voters who were seduced and [traduced] into voting for Mr. Trump in places like Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, et cetera. And it created an overall atmosphere of backwardness whereby the class question was downgraded, which inevitably lead like a seesaw to the rising of ultra right-wing white nationalism, which you just saw manifested in Pittsburgh, not least.

AARON MATE: I want to go to a clip of some of the xenophobia and chauvinism that has stoked by the media. Because it’s not just Trump, it’s also his allies on Fox News, especially. So I want to go to Lou Dobbs speaking recently on his show on the Fox Business Network.

LOU DOBBS: The fear is, to be clear, the fear is that some of them are radical Islamist terrorists that have intermingled with this group of Central Americans. A further fear is that many of the, you know, so many of these, these migrants from Central America, frankly, are radical left-wingers. Their leaders are left-wing party members, for crying out loud, out of Honduras. This is- and no one other than the President at this point, we- you know, I keep expecting to hear Chuck Schumer Nancy Pelosi express their concern for America. But with a caravan that seems to be doubling every few days in size, they have said nothing.

AARON MATE: So that’s Lou Dobbs speaking on the Fox Business Channel about the migrant caravan comprised of hundreds of people fleeing violence and persecution in Central America. Dr. Horne, As we wrap, where do you rate this moment right now in history, in terms of the level of white supremacy and chauvinism we’re seeing being mainstreamed across the country? And if you have any comments on what Lou Dobbs said there, and especially about the role that that’s stoking fear of immigrants has played in a historical context.

GERALD HORNE: Well, obviously Lou Dobbs is introducing a canard when he’s speaking about so-called Middle Easterners who are part of this caravan of hope, which is making its way through Mexico as we speak. I find it also striking that the speaker in waiting, Kevin McCarthy, has demonized Jewish billionaires such as George Soros, Michael Bloomberg, Tom Steyer, who’s leading the struggle to impeach Mr. Trump; and deleted his tweet demonizing them, but the stain still remains. Note as well that the New York Times just reported this morning that a leading executive of Campbell’s Soup Company was recently ousted because he singled out George Soros as financing this caravan that’s heading North. That is to say, like Kevin McCarthy, helping to whip up the kind of anti-Semitism that you saw recently manifested in Pittsburgh.

I would say this is a particularly dangerous moment, because unlike previous dangerous moments we don’t have the necessary kind of international solidarity that the black liberation movement, for example, enjoyed for decades, but does not necessarily enjoy today. That means that the ultra right-wing white nationalists have wind in their sails as a result, and our climb as a result will be uphill, I’m afraid.


AARON MATE: We’ll leave it there. Gerald Horne, historian, professor of history and African-American studies at the University of Houston, thanks very much.

GERALD HORNE: Thank you.

AARON MATE: And thank you for joining us on The Real News.

https://therealnews.com/stories/after-white-supremacist-terror-trump-doubles-down-from-birthright-to-the-border
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #309 on: November 13, 2018, 09:38:38 pm »
Vote Recount in Georgia and Florida Defined by Racism and Voter Suppression

November 13, 2018

A new political movement is born in the South in the wake of Trump and Republicans’ efforts to stop vote recounts. Democracy is on trial


Story Transcript

MARC STEINER: Welcome to The Real News Network. I’m Marc Steiner.

This election is not really over, especially in places like Georgia and Florida. And given the history of this nation that’s not surprising Georgia House Minority Leader Stacey Abrams, the Democratic candidate for governor, is facing off with Republican Brian Kemp, who is- or was, until the other day- Secretary of State in the state of Georgia. Part of the responsibility of that office is to oversee voter registration and elections. Kemp, whose ads while running against Abrams show him wielding a shotgun next to his pickup truck, has a political history, penchant, and strategy of voter suppression. He purged more than 1.5 million- that’s 10.6 percent of all registered voters- between 2016 and 2018. He carries on the grand old tradition in Georgia that dates back from the end of the Civil War to ensure that black people do not get to vote. As an example, Kemp put on hold the voter registration of 53,000 people, 70 percent of them African Americans.

The race between Abrams and Kemp is razor thin. If he falls below 50.1 percent of the vote, there has to be a special election. Kemp declared victory and is trying to get Abrams to concede, saying there’s a liberal conspiracy to deny him victory. And in Florida, the home of the hanging chad, made famous in the 2000 Gore v. Bush battle for the U.S. presidency, a recount has been ordered in both the race for the United States Senate between Governor Rick Scott and sitting Senator Bill Nelson, and in the race for governor between Congressman Ron DeSantis and Tallahassee Mayor Andrew Gillum. The courts ordered the recount of eight million ballots by this Thursday. The larger metropolitan areas and communities like Broward County say they cannot possibly make that deadline of Thursday for the recount. It’s impossible; too many people. However, if they don’t, then all those votes- the majority of which might go to Andrew Gillum- for one, may not be counted at all.

And to top it all off, Trump has weighed in, saying and tweeting, quote, the Florida election should be called in favor of Rick Scott and Ron DeSantis, because large numbers of new ballots showed up out of nowhere- which, by the way, is a bald-faced lie. And then went on to tweet and say many ballots are missing or forged; another lie. And it goes on to say, tweet, an honest vote count is no longer possible. Ballots massively infected; must go on with election night results.

So the battle is on between the legacy of the Confederacy, slavery, and violence, and the forces of a new progressive South which could possibly be on the verge of electing the first black governors since Reconstruction, and the first black woman governor in the history of this country; and all this is coming now as no surprise.

Gerald Horne holds the John J. and Rebecca Moores Chair of History and African American Studies at the University of Houston; a frequent guest and contributor here on The Real News. And Gerald, welcome. Good to have you with us.

GERALD HORNE: Thank you for inviting me.

MARC STEINER: So, Gerald, let’s just take this from the top, here. The state of Georgia and Florida, and these recounts that are taking place at the moment. Now, what we’re seeing here- I want to start with this. I mean, how deeply do we understand how voter suppression, especially in Georgia, may have played in what’s going on between Kemp and Abrams at this moment?

GERALD HORNE: Well, the Abrams camp- quite correctly, in my opinion- has charged that Brian Kemp, who up until a few days ago was secretary of state of Georgia, and thereby, therefore helping to supervise and administer these elections, was involved in a rather crass and blatant attempt to purge from the voter roles particularly those who were considered to be African American, which would thereby tip the scales in his favor.

As we speak, the struggle consists of this: Stacey Abrams is trying to make sure that if Brian Kemp wins, he wins 50 percent-plus, as opposed to, as it now stands, where he may be below 50 percent. And if that is the case, that he is below 50 percent, that means that there should be a runoff. That is what is at stake as we speak.

Florida is a different kettle of fish. As of now, Rick Scott, the governor, and who you could see as being the agent in charge of these elections as governor, is now in a battle for the U.S. Senate with the 75-year old incumbent Bill Nelson. He has a 0.15 margin of victory as we speak, which automatically means that there will be a recount of some sort. It is apparent, as a judge has suggested, that the Republicans are trying to intimidate the recount process, going after local officials, particularly in Broward County. This campaign has been joined by Senator Marco Rubio, and also by the 45th president of the United States of America, who as you know has a second home in Florida, is very close to the man who is running for governor, and also has a slight lead, that is subject to a runoff- I’m speaking of Ron DeSantis. And according to press reports, Mr. Trump will consider it to be a personal affront and a personal rebuke if Ron DeSantis, in particular, is not dragged across the finish line.

MARC STEINER: I’m going to go- think of the race had happened 2000, when Al Gore, for most people’s consideration, won that race in Florida, but clearly didn’t fight it in the Supreme Court. If, for argument’s sake, Abrams and Gillum lose-and Nelson- lose in these recounts, and they take it to the courts, we have a very different situation in the courts than we did in 2000 in 2018. The courts have shifted right in America. The Supreme Court has shifted right and very conservative in America. If it goes that far, I mean, I’m wondering what you think politically it could set up.

GERALD HORNE: Well, you are correct to suggest that Mr. Trump has appointed a number of Supreme Court justices; Mr. Kavanaugh most recently. He’s appointed a record number of federal district court judges and federal appellate judges. That is true. However, I do feel that Ms. Abrams has attained some victories in the courts, and we should not rule out the possibility that she can attain further victories.

I agree with your supposition that Al Gore did the Democratic party no favors when he failed to challenge aggressively the recount in Florida in the year 2000 that led to George W. Bush being president. And I would say the same thing for John Kerry in 2004, where he could have challenged the result aggressively in the state of Ohio. We are now paying a very stiff penalty and price for their lack of aggressiveness.

MARC STEINER: To Florida for a moment, as we work our back up to Georgia. One of the things that I have been reading this morning in the papers is that Broward County, other counties that probably would lean for Gillum and lean for Nelson, most likely, are saying we need more time. We have too many voters here. We have too many ballots to count. It cannot be done by Thursday. So it’s clear that they’re being set up for failure, it seems to me, and being set up to ensure a Republican win.

GERALD HORNE: I do not disagree with what you say. Not only that, but consider what happened on election day approximately a week ago. If you went to voting precincts and voting sites in the center of Georgia, for example the area around Morehouse College, Spelman College, the historically black campuses, you would have found long lines, you would have found voting machines that did not work precisely, not to mention not perfectly. However, if you had gone to some of the more conservative areas in the state of Georgia, such as Macon, or heading southward towards the Florida state line, you would not have encountered such a problem. Obviously that tips the scales in favor of the Republicans, just like the fact that the courts have been impacted by Mr. Trump also tips the scales in favor of Republicans.

MARC STEINER: Now, this race is very tight, and Kemp has been- Brian Kemp has been after Abrams and her work since the beginning with the new Georgia Voters Project that he took to court, tried to stop them from registering voters. He has banned people, one estimate is 1.5 million voters over a four year period; 35,000 more before this election started. And so I’m curious, I mean, this is- you know, Georgia has a history here. Georgia has a history of voter suppression, from the end of the Confederacy on. And it just seems to rear its head in whatever fashion or form it takes given the historical moment. So the battle in Georgia, to me, is indicative of a much larger battle that we’re facing. But it really is very intense in Georgia.

GERALD HORNE: I think you’re on to something. There’s a battle for small ‘d’ democracy. The battle was tipped in the favor of the right wing when a few years ago the U.S. Supreme Court, led by Supreme Court Justice John Roberts, the chief justice, ripped the heart out of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Fundamentally, as per the Voting Rights Act of 1965, until the Shelby decision that the Roberts Court helped to ram through, if a state like Georgia, which had a long-demonstrated record of racism and white supremacy in terms of keeping people away from the polls, if they made changes in terms of how many voting machines would be cited in a particular precinct, this had to be pre-cleared, so to speak, by the U.S. Justice Department. After the Roberts-engineered decision, preclearance went out of the window. And in its wake you saw a number of states move to have voter ID laws. For example, in the state of Texas, from where I’m speaking now, the legislature tried to have a voter ID law where a college ID was deemed not to be acceptable as a voter ID, but a hunting license was deemed to be acceptable, with the premise being that students might be prone to vote for the opponents of the Republicans, and hunters might be prone to vote for the Republicans.

This is the dire state of affairs that we’re encountering, not only in the state of Georgia, but I’m afraid to say all across Dixie.

GERALD HORNE: [Inaudible] said in the Atlantic, if the Georgia race had taken place in another country, say the Republic of Georgia, U.S. media and the U.S. State Department would not have hesitated to question its legitimacy. I mean, and even Jimmy Carter has said similar things, having monitored elections across the globe.

So no matter who ends up winning this in these cases right now in Georgia or Florida, let’s take Georgia again, what does it set up politically if Abrams wins? But what does it set up politically if Abrams is denied the win because of voter suppression? Because it interrupts a whole new political struggle that is also based on the reality that this Georgia race is so close. I mean, we’re talking about Georgia, where a black woman could win- can almost win, or win the governorship. So I’m curious what you think this sets up politically in terms of the struggle in this country.

GERALD HORNE: Well, an Abrams victory would be highly significant. I would even go so far as to say that the Abrams race to this point has been very significant. Recall that in recent elections in the state of Georgia the Democrats have sought to appeal to the mythical suburban swing voters. They have tipped to the right. They ran a relative of President Jimmy Carter; they ran a relative of former conservative Democratic hawk Senator Sam Nunn of Georgia. Both lost spectacularly.

And now you have Stacey Abrams, along with Andrew Gillum in Florida, who are running as true blue progressives. Andrew Gillum has even gone so far as to come out for Medicare for All. He campaigned alongside Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who endorsed him. So they basically helped to blazed a new trail for the Democratic Party in Dixie. So win or lose, it seems to me that the Democrats now have a recipe and a prescription for getting closer to the finish line than they have gotten to this point. Let us hope that they follow the logic of what I’m saying.

MARC STEINER: If you look at the history of this country and the power that the South has played politically in this country from the very founding of this nation, from three fifths of a vote so they can count the people who they had enslaved to ensure that they had political power, to what happened in the civil rights movement of the ’60s, to what this struggle is about now and the form it’s taking at this moment in the South, the fact that you have this progressive mass of people who are who are at least half the population in both states, if not a majority, this is a really different political dynamic for the future. It’s built also around the black struggle in the south via a Gillum and Abrams personifying it in their races. So I just want to take a step further, what this might say for the inside of the Democratic Party, what this says for the continuing struggle in America, for a progressive America, in the face of this kind of real right-wing nationalist pushback embodied in Trump, but actually started much earlier.

GERALD HORNE: Well there is also a message for the GOP, for the Republican Party. I’m not saying that demographics is destiny, but it’s apparent that the Trump recipe of ginning up a white right base, which he did successfully in November 2016, is basically reaching a point of expiration. That is one of the major messages that one can glean not only from the Abrams and Gillum races, but I would say from the results last Tuesday more generally.

I think that there’s a lesson for the progressive movement, as well. That is to say, that oftentimes our friends in the progressive movement have a rather dewy-eyed, overly idealized analysis of the history of this country. They tend to point to the Bill of Rights as being this great leap forward for humanity. Whereas if you look at the Bill of Rights with more careful scrutiny, you’ll find that it was devised without the black population in mind, or it was devised to target the black population, and I would also say the Native American population. That is the import of the ballyhooed Second Amendment, which basically authorized the use of militias to suppress revolts of the enslaved, and uprising by the indigenous population. Therefore I think that the races that we’re talking about in Florida and Texas not only have significance in import for the GOP and for the Democratic Party; it has significance and import as well. For those to the left of the Democratic Party.

MARC STEINER: So I don’t know whether you are or not; my guess is you may not be a betting man. But I’m curious what you think the outcome might be of all this in the next week.

GERALD HORNE: Well, it’s hard to say. If you look closely at the numbers, I think that there is a distinct possibility that a recount a count of absentee ballots and provisional ballots, can drive Brian Kemp’s numbers below 50 percent, causing a runoff which would then allow Stacey Abrams to do a major mobilization and win the gubernatorial race in the state of Georgia. Things in Florida seemingly are different, but I’m rather reluctant to make a prediction and stare into my crystal ball, because we all know about the hanky panky and shenanigans that the Republicans are notorious for in the state of Florida, and they can upset and destabilize the most accurate of prognosticators.

MARC STEINER: It is always a pleasure to have you with us here on The Real News. I really enjoy your thoughts and hearing what you had to say about all this. I appreciate your time.

GERALD HORNE: Thank you.

MARC STEINER: And I’m Marc Steiner here for The Real News Network. Clearly we’re going to stay on top of this one. Take care.

https://therealnews.com/stories/vote-recount-in-georgia-and-florida-defined-by-racism-and-voter-suppression
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #310 on: November 16, 2018, 02:19:35 pm »
Agelbert NOTE: Eddie is a closte racist that pretends to be objective. He loves to post propaganda while claiming he "isn't racist or right wing". He is BOTH. He is a also a very clever LIAR. Peoplel ike Eddie are stalking horses for Fascism and the worst aspects of human greed and racism while presenting themselves as "objective, caring" individuals. Learn to spot their BULLSHIT.

I ran across this excellent piece in the Washington Post. It isn't new, but it's timely.It helped me understand how a moron like Trump can come to be President, and be hugely popular among large numbers of people, even though almost everything he does is either ignorant, stupid, or downright mean.

The Post goes to great lengths to make sure people like me have trouble reading them for free or re-posting their stuff on forums, so it would be much easier to read the images, which are huge, if you just follow this link.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/11/22/who-exactly-is-the-white-working-class-and-what-do-they-believe-good-questions/?utm_term=.79a5b691ba70



 Wonkblog

If you’ve ever described people as ‘white working class,’ read this

By Max Ehrenfreund and
Jeff Guo November 23, 2016 .

The white working class has received enormous attention since Election Day thanks to its critical role in electing Donald Trump the next president. Exit polls show he won this group — defined as white adults over 25 without a four-year degree — by an overwhelming margin of 39 percentage points.

Census data show that 42 percent of American are part of the white working class, bigger than any other single group.

Yet although this demographic acted with surprising uniformity on Election Day — few other groups swung so far toward a particular party's direction since 2012 — it is far from monolithic. And it is certainly doesn't match the stereotype of the rural, blue-collar worker that has often been cited as a typical member of the white working class.

Here are seven key facts about this group that capture how socioeconomically diverse it actually is.

1. The majority of white Americans are working-class, and nearly half have more than a high-school education

The 90 million white adults without a college degree far exceeds the 51 million white adults who have at least a bachelor's degree. Of those without a college degree—the white working class—about 39 million, or 43 percent, have some college or an associate's degree. Another 41 million have only a high-school diploma, and the remaining 9 million do not have a diploma.



 

White workers without a degree earn more than workers of other races and ethnicities with similar levels of education, according to the bureau.

For instance, the median white worker with only a high-school diploma makes $706 in an ordinary week (compared to a worker with a bachelor's degree, who earns $1,154 a week). Among Latinos, the median worker with only a high-school diploma makes $611 — the same as the median Asian worker in this category. For black workers with only a high-school education, the figure is $578.


 
A significant number of people in the white working class are either unemployed or not looking for work. Among men between the ages of 25 and 54 — prime working age — only about 79 percent are working; another 5 percent are unemployed, and 16 percent are not working or looking for a job, according to an analysis by The Washington Post.

In contrast, 93 percent of white men with a four-year college degree are working. The pattern is similar for women.

 


 
2. They live in cities and suburbs, not primarily in rural America

While it is true that the white working class outnumbers white graduates in rural America — and the election did highlight a huge urban-versus-rural divide — many of them also live in and around cities.


 
A Post analysis of Census data shows that there are 62 million working-class white adults living in the metropolitan footprint of a large city with a population of over 250,000. There are just 37 million white adults with bachelor's degrees living in these metropolitan areas.

Many working-class whites might live in outlying counties, but their neighborhoods are still intimately connected with the economic and social life of the nearby city. Metropolitan areas are defined as regions in which at least a quarter of a county's population commutes to the city or elsewhere in the metropolitan area for work.

3. Few of them have blue-collar jobs


 
Trump campaigned on promises to restore employment in factories and the manufacturing sector through aggressive negotiation on international trade. Yet not that many members of the white working class work traditional manufacturing jobs. Most of them are employed in white-collar or service occupations, according to the Brookings Institution.

According to a Post analysis of Census data, white workers with less than a four-year degree most commonly hold jobs as store managers, cashiers, salespeople and administrative assistants. Many work in food service as servers or cooks. Some are nurses. There are a number of blue-collar workers in trades outside of manufacturing, such as trucking and construction.

White workers who do have bachelor's degrees are more likely to be teachers, accountants and lawyers.

 
 

4. A few use opioids, but far more use marijuana

A study published last year by economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton focused national attention on opioid abuse among the white working class. The study showed that the number of white Americans with no more than a high-school diploma dying from poisonings, including drug overdoses, increased five-fold from 1999 to 2013.

These numbers are troubling, but opioid use remains relatively rare among the white working class despite the increase.

Only about 2 percent of white respondents between the ages of 25 and 54 without a bachelor's degree use heroin or prescription painkillers not for medical purposes, according to a Post analysis of a Department of Health and Human Services survey. About half as many whites with a degree used these drugs.


 
Marijuana is more popular, especially among the white working class. About 11 percent of respondents without a bachelor's degree reported getting high at least once in the past month. The figure was 7 percent among white respondents with a degree.



Alcoholism is also a greater danger among the white working class. Those with no more than a high-school diploma are nearly six times more likely to die of chronic cirrhosis of the liver than those with at least a bachelor's degree, Case and Deaton report.


 
Again, however, these figures might be more representative of the few who seriously abuse alcohol than of the white-working class as a whole. The Post's analysis also shows that those both with and without a bachelor's degree report drinking about nine or 10 days out of the month. Respondents without a bachelor's degree are somewhat more likely to binge on booze, but the difference is small in the context of the overall population.

 
 

5. They are not culturally conservative

While Donald Trump's marital history and crude language were prominent features of the campaign, the white working class doesn't tend to be especially sensitive to these cultural issues as much as traditional conservatives are. On the whole, the white working class attends church about as frequently as the general population, according to the Public Religion Research Institute.

 

Over the last few decades, members of the white working class have also become less likely to be married. As this chart from economists Shelly Lundberg and Robert A. Pollak shows, marriage rates have fallen for whites without a college degree. About 55 percent of white men and 60 percent of women with no more than a high school diploma are married, compared to about 70 percent of men and women with four-year college degrees.

6. Being white matters to many of them

Members of the white working class identify more strongly with their race. About 40 percent of the white working class said that being white was "very" or "extremely" important to their identity, compared to about 29 percent of whites with four-year college degrees, according to a Post analysis of a January poll from the American National Election Studies project.



The two groups are equally patriotic, however. The same poll showed that, regardless of their educational background, about 70 percent of whites say that being American is "very" or "extremely" important to their identity.

7. They don't believe education will make them better off

Even though data shows that whites without a bachelor's degree earn less, on average, than their more-educated counterparts, many members of the white working class are not hopeful about the power of education to improve their lives.


 
About 51 percent say that their lives would be no different if they had a four-year college degree, according to a Kaiser Family Foundation/CNN poll. Only 45 percent believed that a bachelor's degree would benefit them. In contrast, 73 percent of the black working class and 74 percent of Hispanic working class said they thought having a four-year college degree would make their lives better.

Overall, members of the white working class say that they're doing okay. When asked if they felt "happy" about their lives, about 79 percent said yes, compared to 87 percent of college-educated whites. There's a happiness gap there, but the majority of the working class — no matter their race or ethnicity — are staying on the sunny side.



https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/11/22/who-exactly-is-the-white-working-class-and-what-do-they-believe-good-questions/?utm_term=.79a5b691ba70[/size]

Sort of an artificial demographic, doesn't mean much.  So artificial it is contrived.  Perhaps it is meant to awaken a sleeping giant, a collective consciousness which screams "IF YOU'RE WHITE, YOU'RE ALL RIGHT! ANY OTHER HUE, I DON'T TRUST YOU.

What seems warm an fuzzy with fancy picture and graphs which size themselves to the WAPO column width,  fuzzy and full of fun tasty facts that white people love, I'm one of them, I got my fix, may be a very sophisticated chunk of propaganda.  It's us against the rest of the world.  Our masters want us defined as a glass teat watching 'us' while they play nuclear ping pong to get every last drop of oil they can.  To do that they want everybody hating brown people, not with actual racism but with something very close to it.  Brown people defined as the rest of the world regardless of color. 

Sit back and enjoy the show.


True. I might add that Trump is not now, or ever has been, popular with the anything but a SMALL minority of Americans. The unending mendacity about Trump as a "successful business man" (yeah, as long as he had a salary of $200,000 a year from the time he was 4 years old) and how "clever" he has been to file bankruptcy all those times (stiffing creditors is SO "successful" ) in addition to the "brown ain't good" vile propaganda you pointed out, constitutes a constant s h i t storm of mindfuck trying to manipulate people to vote against their economic interests.

EVERY ASS HOLE at the Fed and the banks and the Congress and the Senate and the White House and the Pentagon AND having a CEO position in the top profit over people and planet Corporations in the S&P 500 HAVE COLLEGE PLUS degrees. THESE EDUCATED **** ARE F U C K I N G UP THE PLANET.

To claim that voting goes the way it does in the USA becasue of "education levels" ignores a rather BLATANT FASCIST, RACIST ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM (quite deliberately, I might add) called RIGHT WING ELECTION RIGGING. If elections were not RIGGED to SILENCE the vote of WE-THE-PEOPLE, most who DO NOT have COLLEGE DEGREES, this country would not be in the RIGHT WING FASCIST MESS it is in now.

LDF (Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.), Defend. Educate. Empower.


The midterm election proved that voter suppression is alive and well. Here's a quick overview of what voters encountered in key states where LDF staff and volunteers were on the ground as part of our Prepared to Vote initiative:

Georgia—Voter Registrations Blocked: Before the election, the state attempted to block 53,000 voter registration applications, most of which were from African Americans. On Election Day, voters encountered long lines and malfunctioning voting machines. Some polling places were even changed without notice. Now, over a week after the election, votes for Georgia's next governor are still being recounted.

Alabama—Black Students Denied the Vote: LDF filed a complaint on behalf of four Black college students who were denied the right to vote in Madison County. Across the state, voters encountered barriers to the ballot because of “inactive voter” lists, inaccurate voter registration lists, mismatches between addresses on photo ID and registered addresses, and poorly trained poll workers.

South Carolina—Machines Changing Votes: In Richland County, voters reported that machines were changing their votes. There was only one technician assigned to recalibrate malfunctioning machines for every five polling places, resulting in long wait times during the morning hours.

Texas—Early Voting Cut for Students: Last month, LDF filed a lawsuit on behalf of students at Prairie A&M University who are being disenfranchised by attempts to curtail early voting on campus. On Election Day, Texas voters encountered challenges with malfunctioning or broken machines, polling place changes, and long wait times for public transportation for voters with disabilities.

Barriers to the ballot in these states and others revealed renewed efforts to restrict voters' rights. Our report on the obstacles we encountered underscores the ongoing impact of voter suppression on racial minorities and the need for greater protections and election reform.

LDF has fought diligently over the past year to defend civil rights, and we will continue to ensure that all voters can exercise their fundamental right to vote. Watch this video to learn more and help us keep fighting with a donation in support of equality.


NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
40 Rector Street, 5th floor   •  New York, NY 10006


A brief snapshot of a few of the voting issues the LDF team observed on the ground and learned about on Election Day

SNIPPET:

Quote
TEXAS

In Tarrant and Dallas counties, Texas voters encountered challenges with malfunctioning or broken machines, polling place changes, and long wait times for public transportation for voters with disabilities.

At the Lakeside Recreation Center precinct, voters—most of whom were people of color—were turned away for attempting to vote at the wrong location. The precinct lines changed 😈 from the previous election, but the voters did not receive notice.

In Harris County, long delays in the morning hours at polling sites around the county resulted in a judicial order to
extend polling place evening hours at nine locations

READ MORE about ELECTION RIGGING in Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina AND Missouri:


Quote
Democracy Defended, our full report on the 2018 midterm elections, which will also include an analysis of pre-Election Day voter suppression activities, is forthcoming.

NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
40 Rector Street, 5th floor   •  New York, NY 10006

Agelbert NOTE: A more appropriate title for the forthcoming LDF full report would be "Democracy Destroyed" or "Democracy Attacked". 

Response to the above irrefutable evidence of  REPUBLICAN FASCIST ELECTION RIGGING by Right Wing BIGOTS (see below):





ANOTHER Agelbert NOTE: It is no coincidence that the very same racist PIGS who rig elections in the USA are in total alignment with the Hydrocarbon Hellspawn destroying our environment for profit over planet. They are ALL "Birds" of the VERY SAME empathy deficit disordered, hate filled, vile, despicable, rampant greed driven "feather". 


Alan Watts saw all this coming and warned us about it way back in 1970.



   

 
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #311 on: December 03, 2018, 09:27:36 pm »
An Off-Duty Cop Pulled a Gun on Teen Waiting for a Bus, How Will the City Respond?

December 3, 2018

The nearly deadly encounter between an unarmed teen and an off-duty Baltimore police officer still haunts the family, but the recent controversy involving the city’s civilian review board may leave them with nowhere to turn


https://therealnews.com/stories/an-off-duty-cop-pulled-a-gun-on-teen-waiting-for-a-bus-how-will-the-city-respond
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #312 on: December 21, 2018, 01:54:06 pm »

Moyers Talks To Author Ben Fountain About Trump’s Triumph

Quote
This is the boldest, bravest and most bracing book about politics that I have read this year.

BY BILL MOYERS | OCTOBER 9, 2018

SNIPPET 1:

BEN FOUNTAIN: So much of the news coverage portrayed his campaign as a challenge to the establishment of the Republican Party, the way the Republican Party had conducted itself the last 50 years. But, come on, he was simply doing the same thing, talking the same game Republicans have been doing for years, but he did it better. He’s absolutely a virtuoso of the politics of paranoia and racism, cultural resentment, xenophobia, misogyny and all the rest that the GOP has prospered on for the past 50 years.
 
What IS a New Democrat 😈?

BILL MOYERS: Yet he would have lost, I’ll wager, if the Democrats had kept their house in order and their priorities straight. Your take on how both parties paved the way for Trump is tough and true, but your account of how the Democrats piled on the people they once represented is one for the ages, in no small part because of your eye for details. Your chapter “Hillary Doesn’t Live Here Anymore” is wicked in its particulars. You might have painted a big mural on the wall — and there is an impressive scope to your story — but it’s the pimples of guilt that are most revealing. Like how establishment Democrats, seeing Republicans raise so much money from the oligarchs, set out to tap into the loot by developing close relationships with big donors and big business. For one thing, they organized an outfit called the Democratic Leadership Council [DLC] with an “executive council” that included corporate behemoths such as ARCO, Chevron, Merck, DuPont, Microsoft, Philip Morris, Koch Industries. Among the trustees would eventually be the longtime chief political operative for Charles 🦕 and David Koch 🦖. His nickname was “the Pirate .” I might think you had made that up if I hadn’t seen note 11, page 255.

BEN FOUNTAIN: Thank you. But let me make this point: In one sense the so-called New Democrats of the Clinton years were traditional Democrats in that they were still strong for civil rights, for cultural diversity, sensitive to sexual orientation and ethnicity. But in terms of rock-bottom economics, of all those people really hurt, even ruined, under globalization and the reckless financialization of the American economy, establishment Democrats became more and more like Republicans: They stopped making the case for government. Republicans were perfectly happy to wage class war against the constituencies Democrats nominally represent. Democrats didn’t exactly become pacifists, but — well, let me put it this way: Those eight years of Bill Clinton’s New Democrats served the party’s traditional constituency of the working class, the middle class, minorities, the poor and immigrants about as well as the second coming of Herbert Hoover.

BILL MOYERS: One might say Democrats pulled up their roots on Main Street and repotted them on Wall Street, where Hillary Clinton plucked plenty of posies before and during the 2016 campaign.

SNIPPET 2:

BILL MOYERS: We’re finally scraping the whitewash off our mythologies, and that’s painful for those whose lives were framed by those mythologies.


BEN FOUNTAIN: Yes, the paradigm of what it means to be an American is changing, and it needs to change if we’re going to have a realistic idea of ourselves and our history. There’s the old paradigm of mythic whiteness — John Wayne, on his horse: the big white guy who tames the frontier. Well, the reality was — is — much more complex and problematic than that. But a lot of white folks have felt demeaned and put-upon, especially by so-called “elites” — educated opinion, the intellectuals, the scholars and writers who are bringing historical truths to light and insisting that they be reckoned with. Not only do a lot of white people feel threatened by this, they feel insulted, condemned. That’s a fraught psychological state to live in.

BILL MOYERS: People want their John Wayne back.

BEN FOUNTAIN: Oh man, do they. I saw it everywhere on the campaign trail: Trump gave a huge swath of white America back to itself. Gave them psychological, emotional affirmation as an antidote for all the anxiety, all the resentment they’d been feeling. He told them: “You aren’t bad; you’re good. Actually, you are the real America.” That kind of affirmation is powerful medicine in politics.

 
The Ghost of George Wallace

BILL MOYERS: Backlash thrives on it. Think of the backlash after the emancipation of the slaves. Demagogic politicians rallied a defeated and sullen South to put the chains back on black people — all those segregationist laws of Jim Crow. Lynching that continued into the 20th century. Statues erected to Confederate warriors to preserve the memory of the “Lost Cause.  And then the backlash in our time against the Supreme Court’s order to desegregate the schools, against passage by Congress of civil rights and voting rights legislation, against the struggle and victories of the civil rights movement. Whites fled to the suburbs, opened private religious schools, created federal housing policies that institutionalized segregation on economic grounds.

SNIPPET 3:

BILL MOYERS: Yeats got it right: “We had fed the heart on fantasies / The heart’s grown brutal from the fare.”

SNIPPET 4:

J.R. Comes Home

BILL MOYERS: So he’s less an aberration than a culmination —

BEN FOUNTAIN: — Of a certain strand of American life, yes. Well, several strands. We can’t discount the con man strand, for one. I found myself wondering how many tricks Trump poached from J.R. Ewing [the star of the TV series Dallas in the ’70s, played by Larry Hagman]. The creators of that hit saga had intended for J.R.’s “good” brother Bobby to be the star, but J.R. — a snake and bastard who cheated on his wife — stole the show. The man truly did not give a s h i t about anyone else. Yet the audience took to the villain — loved him. You can imagine Donald Trump watching J.R. and thinking, I can work with this. Just be myself . People loved J.R. not in spite of his nastiness and greed but because of it.

Full, excellent, article:

He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #313 on: January 10, 2019, 08:20:38 pm »
Rattling the Bars

With Eddie Conway 

Black Panther Mumia Abu-Jamal 🌟 Granted Right Of Appeal

January 8, 2019

The world’s most renowned death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal has been granted the right of appeal after 30 years.  Eddie Conway, former Black Panther wrongfully convicted and Imprisoned for 44 years himself, now released, discusses Mumia’s case with Scholar Anthony Monteiro


Story Transcript

EDDIE CONWAY: Welcome to this episode of Rattling the Bars. I’m Eddie Conway.

Former Black Panther, journalist, activist, and political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal may still have a chance to regain his freedom one day. Last week, a Philadelphia commons plea court judge ruled that Mumia Abu-Jamal can re-argue and appeal before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Judge Leon Tucker cited that then-Chief Justice Ronald D. Castille did not recuse himself due to his prior role as Philadelphia’s district attorney when Abu-Jamal initially appealed his case. Tucker wrote in his 36-page opinion that if a judge serves as prosecutor and then the judge, there’s no separate analysis or determination required by the court. There is a finding of automatic bias and due process violation.

Abu-Jamal was convicted and sentenced to death in 1982 for the 1981 murder of Philadelphia police officer Daniel Faulkner. For 37 years, activists have protested his conviction and imprisonment on grounds that insufficient evidence was provided at the time, and that the charges and eventual conviction was politically motivated.

Joining me to talk about Mumia Abu-Jamal’s case is Dr. Tony Monteiro, activist and scholar from Philadelphia. Tony, thanks for joining me.

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: It’s our pleasure to be with you.

EDDIE CONWAY: OK. A lot’s been going on up in Philadelphia lately around the Mumia Abu-Jamal case. What I’m curious about right now is what kind of impact this case had on the black community, and what’s happening in the community in reference to the case.

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: Well, I think this is a very important moment in the struggle for justice for Mumia, and ultimately for his freedom. And I think, from what I’ve heard and from what I’ve seen around the community, that this is considered a victory. And there’s a certain amount of celebration, although not unbridled, because we know that there’s still some way to go. But for the first time, Mumia’s case was heard before a judge who was not on the pay, was not politically obligated, to the Fraternal Order of Police or the corrupt elements in the criminal justice system. On the other side, the law was on his side because of the Williams v. Pennsylvania Supreme Court decision. And a judge, Leon Tucker, a fair judge, a black man from the black community, who grew up and, I am certain, went to law school and practiced law in the time of Mumia. And he had been aware of Mumia’s case probably for most of his life, for most of his professional life. So that was to our advantage and to Mumia’s advantage.

His lawyers made a brilliant presentation and argued on behalf of Mumia in a very competent way. And on the other side, the political geography has changed somewhat in the city of Philadelphia. In the last year we elected a DA for the first time who was not, again, obligated politically or financially to the Fraternal Order of Police. And so the situation is different in a positive way than it has been for Mumia for now going on for 39 years.

EDDIE CONWAY: One of the things that I’ve noticed, and I’ve kind of watched this case over the years, is that the black community have always remained involved in Mumia’s case, and they have always organized around it. Did that organizing have something to do with the election of–the support for the election of the new district attorney? Did that organizing have something to do with constantly bringing his case forward to challenge the injustice?

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: I’m certain it did. I’m certain it did. Along with, you know, the history of police murder and violence against black people, the corruption of the court system, and that history–you know, the almost 100-year history of the District Attorney’s Office as being a center of racism and of violence, and the covering up of violence against the black community. I think all of this played a huge role. And we cannot ever forget that it was the black community that elected Larry Krasner, that broke the–again, certainly the most, the 65-year history of the Democratic Party machine up literally deciding who would be the DA. And this corrupt political machine, along with the FOP, along with the corrupt and reactionary elements of the business establishment, and others, held on for dear life to the DA’s office, even as we elected black mayors and heads of city council, and other high elected offices.

The white establishment held onto the DA’s office. And it was with the election of Larry Krasner–and he was elected, we cannot say this enough, by the votes of the black community. Because they were at least two other candidates running who were backed by the FOP. And the black community put Larry Krasner in office. And for that reason, for the first time in maybe the history of the DA’s office, certainly for the last 65 years if not 100 years, the DA’s office was taken out of the hands of the of the police and of the corrupt judicial system itself.

EDDIE CONWAY: Well, do you think that the DA’s office–obviously Mumia has won the right to another appeal. It’s not the DA’s decision to deny him that right. But is it the DA’s decision not to contest his illegal sentence now?

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: Not to contest his right to appeal. That’s where we are now. And DA Krasner and his office will have to decide whether they will move to contest his right to appeal, or not to contest it. And I would suggest that Larry Krasner’s future, political future, will in large measure be decided by what he does at this time with the Mumia case. And again, I want to emphasize that it was the black community in particular–I like to make this point very, very clear–in particular, Eddie, the black working class who have suffered the most under police violence and the injustice of the criminal justice system. And it was they who elected Krasner. And it is upon their shoulders that not only Mumia’s future rests, in large measure, but Larry Krasner’s political future rests.

EDDIE CONWAY: OK. Because one of the things that I do know, I mean, with the MOVE bombing, with a number of attacks that has been taking place over the decades against MOVE, one of the things I notice is that MOVE continues to kind of organize in the community in a way that apparently then help empower the community. The only other situation I’ve kind of seen like this is with the Puerto Rican political prisoners in Chicago and in New York, in which they actually put forth their political power from down the grassroots level in the community. Is this a way forward for political prisoners in terms of getting out, organizing on that grassroots level?

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: Well, I think that’s what the future is. Organizing on the grassroots level means, in the end, the political education of the people. Because there are hundreds, if not thousands, of people across this country who are in prison because of their politics. Some would argue that most people who are locked up are in one another way political prisoners. I don’t know that I go that far. However, once we say, as in the case of Mumia, in the case of the MOVE 9, and many others, once we say they are political prisoners, the battle becomes a political battle. The legal struggle is only ancillary, or secondary, to the political struggle. And once we say it is a political struggle, then we’re talking about the role of the people, the role of the masses in deciding the outcomes of these things.

And you know, I want to underline once again, Eddie, because it’s not often recognized, certainly it’s not said enough, that ultimately, Mumia’s fate would be decided in Philadelphia by the progressive forces, and in particular black working people, who would have to change, as we have done, significant areas of the political landscape of Philadelphia. That has happened, to a large degree. And so it is the political struggle, the political education of the people of Philadelphia. And it is they who will decide this question on all sides. And that’s the message that I take from this. It elevates my confidence in the people, in ordinary people, to understand and to do the right thing. I think this message must be heard throughout this country and throughout the world, that it is the grassroots. That a political prisoner, for example, in the case of Mumia or the MOVE 9, who come from a certain community. It is that community which must be educated, which must be mobilized to ultimately free them. What happens nationwide and worldwide is only supportive of what the people in Philadelphia did and would do.

EDDIE CONWAY: OK. On that note, I’m going to keep an eye on this. And if things change and new developments come up I want to try to get back with you and talk about it and look at it a little more. So thanks for joining me.

ANTHONY MONTEIRO: I really appreciate it. I hope I was clear in my view of this situation.

EDDIE CONWAY: Very clear. Very clear. OK. Thank you, and thank you for joining me at The Real News.

https://therealnews.com/stories/black-panther-mumia-abu-jamal-granted-right-of-appeal
He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

AGelbert

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Re: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden
« Reply #314 on: January 10, 2019, 09:04:01 pm »
How Nixon's Southern Strategy 😈 Lead us Straight to Donald Trump
 

1,837 views


Thom Hartmann Program

Published on Jan 9, 2019

How Nixon's Southern Strategy Lead us Straight to Donald Trump

Nixon's political strategy helped Republicans get elected by appealing to racist and xenophobic elements within the white vote. More than just dog whistle racism, Nixon created a lot of policies that hurt communities of color. 

The Southern Strategy has been adopted and utilized by Republican politicians to varying degrees ever since, George H.W. Bush's Willy Horton ad and now from Donald Trump.

Is Donald Trump the result of Nixon's Southern Strategy?


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He that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me: and he that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me. Matt 10:37

 

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