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Author Topic: Mechanisms of Prejudice: Hidden and Not Hidden  (Read 5762 times)

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AGelbert

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Militarizing US Schools and Society Only Creates More Gun Violence and Police Brutality

July 4, 2018

TRNN’s Ben Norton continues his discussion with Boston teacher Nino Brown, of the ANSWER Coalition, on the links between US militarism, gun violence, and police brutality. Nino Brown argues militarizing schools and more heavily arming cops will only make the problem worse


https://therealnews.com/stories/militarizing-us-schools-and-society-only-creates-more-gun-violence-and-police-brutality
Leges         Sine    Moribus     Vanae   
Faith,
if it has not works, is dead, being alone.

AGelbert

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AGelbert

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Agelbert NOTE: Scholar Judy Klass tells it like it is. My hat is off to her for this expert accurate analysis of the inexcusable actions by Trump 🦀 and his wrecking crew .

Quote
How do you think history will look at the Trump administration's policy of separating families at the border and putting children in what could be called concentration camps?

Judy Klass  , Truman Scholar, D.Phil Political Science/Latin American Studies, bookish wonk


Answered Jun 26, 2018

Hyperbole is dangerous. It’s true that even Godwin has said that thoughtful, well-informed people might compare Trump ‘s rhetoric with Hitler’s without looking ridiculous via Godwin’s Law — and after all, Trump’s rhetoric since he launched his campaign has been all about scapegoating the Other, and may well be modeled on the rhetoric that brought Hitler to power.

Donald Trump 'kept book of Adolf Hitler's speeches in his bedside cabinet and may have read it for inspiration'

But it’s tricky to talk about concentration camps. It bothers me when the internment camps in which Japanese Americans were held during World War II, as awful and unjust and un-American as they were, are called concentration camps — because for most people, concentration camp = death camp. It means Auschwitz. (Or “Holocaust Centers,” as Sean Spicer might say.) There are rotten, dehumanizing prisons for civilians in many places, but not many where huge numbers of people of all ages are gassed to death, their bodies then burned in crematoria. That was unusual. I’d only compare a few things to that: the Killing Fields of Pol Pot in Cambodia, what the Serbian Christians did to Bosnian Muslims at Srebenica over the course of a few days in the 1990s — the ugliest and most genocidal impulses that people have.

The internment camps that Japanese Americans were forced to live in may be a better analogy for the camps that the Trump administration now plans for parents and children who come here seeking asylum. (Those internment camps are the one thing that a lot of people condemn FDR for — and the only thing about FDR that Trump has talked about admiringly.) And there are crummy facilities for refugees all over the world.

The policy of separating children at the border that’s been in place for months — that’s kind of its own thing. Abusing refugee children to penalize their parents … I hadn’t quite heard of that one before. That’s something kind of distinctive and new that will be remembered about this administration. History will view it as being of a piece with numerous Trump era policies: framing various vulnerable minority groups as the dangerous “invading,” “infesting” Other; casually lying as smoothly as Hitler did and with the same gusto; appealing to people’s lizard brains and basest impulses; incompetent and incoherent policies that do as much harm accidentally as the few well-organized policies do intentionally … it’s of a piece with allowing 4,600 Americans to die in Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria and lying wildly about the numbers. It’s of a piece with mocking a Gold Star family because they are Muslim. It’s as ugly and incoherent and unjustifiable as the travel ban that the Supreme Court has now upheld. And so on.

Sessions and Trump and Nielsen and Huckabee Sanders — they can prevaricate and say oh, blame Democrats, blame the courts, this has been the policy all along, but it’s a policy John Kelly and Stephen Miller and Jefferson Beauregard Sessions came up with and put in place, and Miller and Sessions have acknowledged as much in the past. Under Obama, if a family turned themselves in at the border, the parent would be given a court date for the misdemeanor — and there was often someone they knew that they all could stay with until then, and most of the time they’d show up for their hearing, and if they were considered a flight risk, the parent could wear an ankle bracelet. That cost a little money, but not the thousands we’re now paying every day for each parent and child housed separately — and, soon, possibly housed together, indefinitely. It’s a waste of tax-payer dollars on an unnecessary policy because the system was working before and there were few crimes committed by those released on their own recognizance.

The Trump administration implemented this jarringly cruel policy of separating children from parents with no good system for keeping track of both, no long-term plan for how to reunite them, and now they have no clear plan for the changed policy they’ve announced … it’s wasteful, mean-spirited incompetence tinged with racism, all the way down the line.

That’s what history will remember about this policy and about this administration in general: no thought, no care, just the petulant, impulsive wrecking of long-standing policies and treaties that have been painstakingly assembled and were working well, casual violations of human rights, and cruelty for its own sake — again and again.

https://www.quora.com/How-do-you-think-history-will-look-at-the-Trump-administrations-policy-of-separating-families-at-the-border-and-putting-children-in-what-could-be-called-concentration-camps

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AGelbert

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Bodies of 95 black forced-labor prisoners from Jim Crow era unearthed in Sugar Land after one man's quest

By Meagan Flynn / The Washington Post Jul 18, 2018

Today the city of Sugar Land is a sprawling suburb southwest of Houston, home to Imperial Sugar Co., shopping malls and endless cul-de-sacs. ... But, more than a century ago, it was a sprawling network of sugar cane plantations and prison camps. Sugar Land was better known then as the Hellhole on the Brazos. From sun up to sun down, convicts who were leased by the state to plantation owners toiled in the fields chopping sugar cane sometimes until they "dropped dead in their tracks," as the State Convention of Colored Men of Texas complained in 1883.

In modern-day Sugar Land it was all easy to forget - but not for one man named Reggie Moore, who couldn't stop thinking about it. ... Moore started researching Sugar Land's slavery and convict-leasing history after spending time working as a prison guard at one of Texas's oldest prisons, but his curiosity evolved into obsession. He had a hunch. Based on what he learned, he believed that the bodies of former slaves and black prisoners were still buried in Sugar Land's backyard. He focused his attention on a site called the Imperial State Prison Farm, the one that bore the name of the country's premier sugar company.

For 19 years he searched for their bodies, stopping just short of sticking a shovel in the dirt himself. ... "I felt like I had to be a voice for the voiceless," said Moore, who is African American. ... This week, his quest produced results. ... At the former Imperial State Prison Farm site, archaeologists have unearthed an entire plot of precise rectangular graves for 95 souls, each buried 2 to 5 feet beneath the soil in nearly disintegrated pinewood caskets. The 19th century cemetery was unmarked, with no vestige of its existence visible from the surface.

And it was almost "truly lost to history," archaeologist Reign Clark of Goshawk Environmental Consulting told The Washington Post. ... The graves were found, really, by accident. The local Fort Bend Independent School District began construction on a new school at the former prison site in October. Then in February, a backhoe operator happened to see something jutting out of the dirt. He thought it was a human bone.
....

Read more: https://www.richmond.com/news/trending/bodies-of-black-forced-labor-prisoners-from-jim-crow-era/article_d16495ca-db43-550c-918f-0ac9b65fcb30.html


Just about the best book I've read in the last few years was "Slavery by Another Name." It was written by Douglas Blackmon, who at the time was the Atlanta bureau chief of The Wall Street Journal. He is now at the University of Virginia.

-- -- -- --

https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB120674340028272915

BOOKS EXCERPT

A Different Kind of Slavery

After Abolition, Forced Labor Thrived in South; Helping Rebuild Atlanta

By Douglas A. Blackmon

Updated March 29, 2008 12:01 a.m. ET

A Different Kind of Slavery

At the center of a massive new real-estate development in Atlanta, an $18 million monument designed to honor 2,000 years of human achievement is nearing completion. When it opens this summer, a museum inside the Millennium Gate also will pay special tribute to the accomplishments and philanthropy of some of the founding families of modern Atlanta. Organizers say plans for the exhibit don't include one overlooked aspect of two of the city's post-Civil War leaders: the extensive use of thousands of forced black laborers. The builders of the 73-foot archway say the museum is too small to convey every aspect of the city's founders and that it's appropriate to focus on the positive aspects of these men. In this adaptation from his new book, "Slavery by Another Name," Douglas A. Blackmon, Atlanta bureau chief of The Wall Street Journal, chronicles how companies owned by these two men used forced labor to help rebuild Atlanta -- a practice that was widespread through the South.

Millions of bricks used to make the sidewalks and streets of Atlanta's oldest neighborhoods -- many of them still in use today -- came from a factory owned by James W. English, the city's former mayor, and operated almost entirely with black forced laborers. Many had been convicted of frivolous or manufactured crimes and then leased by the city to Mr. English's company, Chattahoochee Brick Co.

Between the Emancipation Proclamation and the beginning of World War II, millions of African-Americans were compelled into or lived under the shadow of the South's new forms of coerced labor. Under laws enacted specifically to intimidate blacks, tens of thousands were arbitrarily detained, hit with high fines and charged with the costs of their arrests. With no means to pay such debts, prisoners were sold into coal mines, lumber camps, brickyards, railroad construction crews and plantations. Others were simply seized by southern landowners and pressed into years of involuntary servitude.

At the turn of the 20th century, at least 3,464 African-American men and 130 women lived in forced labor camps in Georgia, according to a 1905 report by the federal Commissioner of Labor.

-- -- -- --

https://millercenter.org/experts/douglas-blackmon

DOUGLAS BLACKMON
Director of Public Programs, Executive Producer of American Forum

Douglas A. Blackmon is the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II , and co-executive producer of the acclaimed PBS documentary of the same name. He is also executive producer and host of American Forum, a public affairs program produced by the University of Virginia’s Miller Center and aired on more than 200 public television affiliates across the U.S.

His book, a searing examination of how the enslavement of African-Americans persisted deep into the 20th Century, was awarded the 2009 Pulitzer Prize for General Non-Fiction. The Slavery by Another Name documentary was broadcast in February 2012 and attracted an audience of 4.8 million viewers. Slavery by Another Name grew out of his 2001 article on slave labor in The Wall Street Journal. It revealed the use of forced labor by dozens of U.S. corporations and commercial interests in coal mines, timber camps, factories, and farms in cities and states across the South, beginning after the Civil War and continuing until the beginning of World War II.

Blackmon was the longtime chief of The Wall Street Journal’s Atlanta bureau and the paper’s Senior National Correspondent, and was a contributing editor at the Washington Post. He has written about or directed coverage of some of the most pivotal stories in American life, including the election of President Barack Obama, the rise of the tea party movement, and the BP oil spill. Overseeing coverage of 11 southeastern states for the Journal, he and his team of reporters were responsible for the Journal’s acclaimed coverage of Hurricane Katrina and the failed federal response after that disaster; the Journal’s investigation into the training and preparations of the 9/11 hijackers in Florida; immigration; poverty; politics; and daily reporting on more than 2,500 corporations based in the region.

As a writer and editor at large, Blackmon led the Journal’s coverage of the tea party and the final hours before the BP oil spill—for which he and a team of other Journal writers were finalists for the 2011 Pulitzer Prize for Investigative Reporting. Those stories received a Gerald Loeb Award in June 2011.

https://www.democraticunderground.com/10142112480
Leges         Sine    Moribus     Vanae   
Faith,
if it has not works, is dead, being alone.

 

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