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Author Topic: 🌟 IMPEACHMENT SCORE 🌠  (Read 3506 times)

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AGelbert

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Agelbert NOTE: These commenters reflect my thoughts on the matter.

Quote
John Nesbit
All of these "lesser" tRump associates getting arrested and convicted, and then with "lenient" sentences. It tells a tale of several things. One is that if it were you or I being sentenced, it would be at least 30 years or more. Secondly we are supposed to be enjoying these "tablescraps" dropping on us to the floor, while we wait for the "big cheese" to fall. All the while he is being overlooked as an arch villain far worse than all of his enablers and loyal servants. He is a child rapist, and now an admitted muderer, plotting to overthrow the U.S government and Constitution. Enslaving We the People under a rule of terror and tyranny.

Howard H. Hart > John Nesbit
THIS! And how many of these various felonies been for being complicit with Orangesanus Maximus in the stealing of the 2016 election? Even a judge questioned why Flynn wasn't charged with treason and yet here we are with Trumpscum still in the WH leading the charge in the destruction of our government and country and impeachment is going to solve that?


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Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

AGelbert

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Trump and his entire Traitorous Wrecking Crew are guilty as sin of felony criminal acts involving, at a minimum, extortion of Ukrainian officials for 🦀 Trump political gain, Obstruction of Justice and Obstruction of Congress, as the January 16, 2020 Doomstead Diner News Roundup irrefutably reveals.

The reaction of the 🐘😈 reactionaries was par for the bold faced corrupt traitor course. Robert Reich 👍 explains:


January 16, 2020 4:26 PM

Dear Anthony,

"President Trump knew exactly what was going on."

"Mr. Barr had to have known everything."

"[Devin Nunes was] involved in getting all this stuff on Biden."

"Everybody was in the loop."

Those are the words of Lev Parnas, a Rudy Giuliani associate who sat down for an explosive interview with Rachel Maddow last night.

His revelations made Watergate look like child’s play.

He directly implicated Donald Trump, Mike Pence, Attorney General William Barr, John Bolton, and ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee Devin Nunes in the scheme to coerce Ukrainian President Zelensky to announce investigations into Joe Biden in exchange for the release of $400 million in military aid — which the Government Accountability Office today ruled was illegal.

How are 🐘 Republican senators reacting to the news?

Martha McSally of Arizona called a reporter a "liberal hack" and refused to answer questions
John Coryn of Texas maintained that the GAO’s legal ruling "doesn’t change anything"
Joni Ernst of Iowa blamed Democrats: "They were in such a hurry that they didn’t get all this information? What the heck, OK?"

Meanwhile, Mitch McConnell still hasn’t committed to holding a fair trial with witnesses and this relevant new evidence. What the heck, indeed.

Republican Senators, faced with damning new revelations against their Dear Leader and a multitude of high-ranking government officials, are sticking their heads in the sand. They’re determined to shirk their constitutional duties and cover up one of the biggest scandals in modern political history.

Today these senators took their oath to be impartial jurors in a trial they have already rigged.

We need to make sure they don’t get off easy.

Buckle up,

Robert Reich
Inequality Media
Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

AGelbert

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Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

Surly1

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Often Wrong But Never In Doubt
« Reply #273 on: January 17, 2020, 01:35:19 pm »
Trump Melted Down at a Meeting With Military Leaders and Called Them Dopes, Babies, and Losers
Can you be impeached for knowing nothing about anything and caring less?




Win McNamee Getty Images


While even his most prodigious spokespeople teeter under Fox News questioning (!) about his relationship to Rudy Giuliani's Ukraine henchman Lev Parnas, it's worth considering that the scheme that led to the president's impeachment is just one of his various foibles. He could have been impeached, after all, for relentlessly obstructing justice in the Mueller probe. He could have been impeached for his blatant public corruption, which has reached the point where people have started renting large blocs of rooms in his hotels and not even bothering to stay in many of them. Gee, I wonder what they're getting out of it. Oh, and can you be impeached for knowing nothing about anything and caring less?

It's a question worth asking as a new book from Washington Post reporters Philip Rucker and Carol Leonnig, A Very Stable Genius, begins to trickle out via excerpts. A New York Times review calls it "a comic horror story." The latest section published in the Post details a meeting Trump had at the Pentagon where he unwittingly laid out his attitude towards, well, everything, but specifically American military power: We can make some money off this. That was the only through-line as his senior defense and diplomatic and national-security advisers tried to tutor him in basic geopolitics and American history. Money. They owe us. We can get them to pay us.

“We should charge them rent,” Trump said of South Korea. “We should make them pay for our soldiers. We should make money off of everything.”
Trump proceeded to explain that NATO, too, was worthless. U.S. generals were letting the allied member countries get away with murder, he said, and they owed the United States a lot of money after not living up to their promise of paying their dues.
“They’re in arrears,” Trump said, reverting to the language of real estate. He lifted both his arms at his sides in frustration. Then he scolded top officials for the untold millions of dollars he believed they had let slip through their fingers by allowing allies to avoid their obligations.
“We are owed money you haven’t been collecting!” Trump told them. “You would totally go bankrupt if you had to run your own business.”

The president appears to view American military alliances as some kind of protection racket. He has openly mused recently about having Saudi Arabia straight-up pay for American troops. This is not the vision of service to the American republic and its Constitution most people have in mind with respect to our military service members. This is reportedly part of a general pattern in the book wherein Trump basically does not know anything about American history, the values and institutions of a democratic republic, or even geography.

President Donald J. Trump Watches Raid On Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s Compound
Everything’s under control. Just look at this staged picture.

HandoutGetty Images

In fairness, Trump offered some refreshing pushback against military brass who insist we must have bases everywhere, all over the world, always. The map of our installations abroad is mind-blowing. They're everywhere. Do we really have business deploying our troops and assets all over the place? Do we think there have been some negative consequences for our relentless meddling and interventionism?

The Adults in the Room in this scene talked a lot about The Post-War International Order, and that's been mostly good for us, but has it been good for everyone? Are their elements of it we might, uh, revisit? (Not that this president is the one to do it. That would require some capacity for strategic thinking.) We have Iran boxed in with bases all around and we wonder why they're getting twitchy, particularly after Trump shredded the Iran Deal because Obama—despite the fact they were complying—and re-instituted crushing sanctions on their economy.

Speaking of, that came up.

Trump then repeated a threat he’d made countless times before. He wanted out of the Iran nuclear deal that President Obama had struck in 2015, which called for Iran to eliminate its uranium stockpile and cut its nuclear weaponry.
“It’s the worst deal in history!” Trump declared.
“Well, actually . . .,” Tillerson interjected.
“I don’t want to hear it,” Trump said, cutting off the secretary of state before he could explain some of the benefits of the agreement. “They’re cheating. They’re building. We’re getting out of it. I keep telling you, I keep giving you time, and you keep delaying me. I want out of it.”

I don't want to hear it! the president said of dissenting information. And that right there, folks, is a nice microcosm of this presidency, which took the Bush-era disdain for inconvenient expertise and shifted it into overdrive. Who cares if they're abiding by the deal, reached in coordination with the other Western powers over many long years? I want it gone! The repercussions for this spasm of impulsive stubbornness was merely a war narrowly avoided, at least partly due to Iran's restraint.

US-POLITICS-TRUMP
Trump is pictured with then-Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Joseph Dunford, with whom he shared some minor points of disagreement.

JIM WATSONGetty Images

Later on, Trump circled another decent point, demanding to know why we are still in Afghanistan. But of course he had to call it a "loser war" and attribute the attrition to military incompetence, rather than, as an ex-Navy SEAL once said on Fox News: "If you remember what Osama bin Laden said, he's willing to fight this for generations. Is the American people, and the western world, are we as committed as they are to this battle? I doubt that, highly." At some point, we will have to accept that the people who live there are more invested in the outcomes of our conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq than we are, not least because only a small slice of our population is truly fighting these wars.

Anyway, here's the president.

“You’re all losers,” Trump said. “You don’t know how to win anymore.”
Trump questioned why the United States couldn’t get some oil as payment for the troops stationed in the Persian Gulf. “We spent $7 trillion; they’re ripping us off,” Trump boomed. “Where is the f---ing oil?”

Even the Bush ghouls used to pretend this was about freedom and democracy.

It was at this point that the descriptions of the president went closer and closer to what you'd expect to hear about a large baby. This is a common trope in Presidential Coverage, wherein the president's staff and advisers talk bout him like he's a toddler and stories are framed around The Presidential Mood—as if he has no obligation to get his emotions in check and run the country. Surely, these outbursts of emotion would be similarly tolerated coming from a woman.

Trump by now was in one of his rages. He was so angry that he wasn’t taking many breaths. All morning, he had been coarse and cavalier, but the next several things he bellowed went beyond that description. They stunned nearly everyone in the room, and some vowed that they would never repeat them. Indeed, they have not been reported until now.
“I wouldn’t go to war with you people,” Trump told the assembled brass.
Addressing the room, the commander in chief barked, “You’re a bunch of dopes and babies.”

The emotional meltdowns and irrational spasms from the world's most powerful man are, according to the Times review, littered throughout the book. He reportedly considered awarding himself the Presidential Medal of Freedom. He suggested staff secretary Rob Porter's ex-wife, who accused him of assaulting her, had given herself a black eye to shake Porter down for cash. Nothing sticks out more consistently than the venality. Everything is a transaction, everything is about leverage, everything is about getting ahead no matter what the cost or what the rules are.

“It’s just so unfair that American companies aren’t allowed to pay bribes to get business overseas,” the president once whined to a group of aides. All that matters is money and power. How can I use one to get the other? But Times reviewer Dwight Garner really nailed the situation while bouncing off an incident at Pearl Harbor. Trump seemed to have no idea what'd happened in Honolulu. "Throughout," Garner says of the book, the president "is misinformed and confused while at the same time utterly certain of himself."


AGelbert

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Re: 🌟 IMPEACHMENT SCORE 🌠
« Reply #274 on: January 17, 2020, 06:38:16 pm »

Can you be impeached for knowing nothing about anything and caring less?



I wish I could say that a 🦀 Trumpian meltdown involving calling the top brass in the military various names is an impeachable offense, but it isn't. The nonresponse of the Military Industrial Complex uniformed lackeys to Trumpian browbeating aside, the fact is that the Secret Service should have confined Mr. Trump in a psycho ward with 24/7 Psychiatric observation and medication therapy at least three years ago. You know that is not going to happen any time soon.     

Our main problem is that 🐘 😈 Senator Mitch McConnell will let the Trump Monstrocity, despite all his wicked, treasonous criminal behavior, emerge with impunity from the Senate Trial with another fascist victory over we-the-people.





 
Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

AGelbert

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Preet Bharara explains why he's surprised by 🦀 Trump's new hires
350,558 views•Jan 17, 2020


CNN
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CNN legal analyst Preet Bharara shares his thoughts on those chosen to defend President Donald Trump in the impeachment trial in the senate. #CNN #News

Category News & Politics
Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

Surly1

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Republicans Don’t Even Know What They’re Covering Up

Photo: U.S. House of Representatives

By the time the House voted to impeach Donald Trump in mid-December, a grim anti-climactic feel had settled upon the proceedings. Senate Republicans, unimpressed by hundreds of pages of testimony and documents establishing the president’s scheme to extort Ukraine to smear his domestic opponents, would dispatch the articles of impeachment quickly and — as these things go — quietly. This was their strategy all along: Strip away the drama and turn impeachment into yet another partisan squabble, rather than a historic judgment on Trump’s unfitness for office. Their plan is to smother it with sheer boredom.

They may still succeed. But a series of revelations in the intervening month has opened up surprising new avenues of inquiry, forcing Republicans either to allow new evidence at the Senate trial or to openly cooperate in a cover-up.

So far, Republicans have dismissed the new evidence with juvenile logic games. “If the existing case is strong, there’s no need for the judge and jury to reopen the investigation. If the existing case is weak, House Democrats should not have impeached in the first place,” said Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. (Obviously, the strength of evidence is a continuum, not a binary choice of either “strong” or “weak.” It can be strong enough to satisfy House Democrats yet not strong enough for Senate Republicans, in which case the higher bar merits additional evidence.) Senator Susan Collins expressed her lack of interest in new documents furnished in January by wondering “why the House did not put that into the record and it’s only now being revealed.” When a reporter replied that the documents had been blocked until then, she shot back, “Well, doesn’t that suggest that the House did an incomplete job, then?” The more new evidence of guilt that is revealed, the more evidence there is that the prosecution is weak. Therefore, it should be ignored.

Trump’s impeachment articles have two counts: First, abuse of power by manipulating foreign policy for personal gain, and second, obstruction of Congress by wholesale stonewalling. House Republicans essentially used the second count to negate the first. By seizing on tiny gaps in the evidentiary record — gaps that existed because Trump refused to release any testimony or documents — they denied Trump had withheld a meeting and military aid from Ukraine in order to force investigations.

Since then, evidence, some pried loose by lawsuits, has dismantled those defenses. A batch of emails released in late December showed the Office of Management and Budget ordered a freeze on aid almost immediately after Trump’s phone call with Ukraine’s president. Then, in January, another tranche of emails found the Defense Department raising concerns about the freeze’s legality. Weeks later, the Government Accountability Office deemed the freeze illegal, making moot the defense that Trump hadn’t technically violated laws. Also this month, former national-security adviser John Bolton, who had refused to testify before the House, announced his willingness to testify in a Senate trial.

The most explosive revelations came from a trove of documents turned over by Lev Parnas, a small-time hustler who was recruited by Rudy Giuliani to help run Trump’s extortion scheme. Parnas’s documents — thousands of pages of texts, WhatsApp messages, notes, and letters — widen the scope of suspected misconduct in Ukraine. They show him explicitly discussing firing the U.S. ambassador, Marie Yovanovitch, in return for then Ukrainian prosecutor general Yuriy Lutsenko’s supplying dirt on Biden, whom Lutsenko describes frankly and revealingly as “your opponent.”

The texts also introduce another participant in the scheme: Robert Hyde, a former Marine, whose texts with Parnas indicated he was surveilling Yovanovitch (“this ****,” he called her in one) and hinted at plans to threaten or commit violence. Hyde, a Republican congressional candidate from Connecticut, has a history of erratic behavior, including alleged stalking and harassment, and was involuntarily committed to psychiatric treatment after an incident at the Trump National Doral resort in May. Parnas has dismissed those texts as unserious boasts —­ perhaps because they were, or perhaps because they incriminate him in a violent plot. Yovanovitch fled Ukraine on the next plane after being warned of an imminent threat. Hyde has also visited Trump’s White House and been photographed with the president at least eight times. The unresolved details of how Parnas got involved, and who paid for his work if he did any, might be illuminating.

Parnas’s physical evidence also corroborates his claims in the media that Trump approved his activities. “President Trump knew exactly what was going on,” he said in a prime-time interview with Rachel Maddow on January 15. Based on his sensational claims alone, Parnas may come off as an unreliable narrator, someone looking for a life raft after a federal indictment. But Parnas’s WhatsApp messages prove he was in the loop. He sent the text of an op-ed by John Solomon (a right-wing journalist who worked closely with Trump’s allies) to Lutsenko four days before it was published and knew about Yovanovitch’s firing a day in advance. (“The bomb is dropping tomorrow,” he wrote in a message to another Giuliani associate, GOP donor Harry Sargeant III.) He has a letter from Trump attorney Jay Sekulow to former Trump lawyer John Dowd saying, “The president consents to allowing your representation of Mr. Parnas.”

The White House has predictably dismissed Parnas’s credibility in the same terms it uses when other Trump flunkies rat him out. “This is a man who is under indictment and who’s actually out on bail,” said White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham. “This is a man who owns a company called Fraud, Inc.” (On a federal political-contributions form, Parnas actually listed his employer as “Fraud Guarantee” rather than “Fraud, Inc.,” which sounds only slightly more savory.) Perhaps the most damning specimen in the Parnas collection is a letter of introduction from Giuliani to Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky. Giuliani wrote that he was representing Trump “as a private citizen, not as President of the United States,” and that he was doing so “with his knowledge and consent.” Perhaps sensing that the arrangement would strike Zelensky as untoward, Giuliani assured him it is “quite common under American law.”

It is, of course, extremely uncommon under American law for the president to have a private attorney negotiate on his behalf with a foreign head of state. One reason is that a personal lawyer might use the foreign-policy capital of the U.S. government not on behalf of the national interest but for the president’s personal gain. Another reason is that a private lawyer, not being paid or vetted by the government, might be beholden to some other financial interest. Giuliani represented Trump for “free” but was paid half a million dollars by Parnas’s company. In turn, Parnas received a million dollars from Dmytro Firtash, a Ukrainian oligarch closely linked to Vladimir Putin and the Russian mob.

At one point during the Watergate scandal, President Nixon discussed funneling hush money to the burglars. White House counsel John Dean cautioned him, “People around here are not pros at this sort of thing. This is the sort of thing Mafia people can do: washing money, getting clean money, and things like that … we are not criminals and not used to dealing in that business.” Trump is not so encumbered. His career was spent working with New York mobsters, bringing in mobbed-up figures like Michael Cohen and Felix Sater and relying on money launderers for cash. The Republican Party’s boredom strategy requires its members to maintain an aggressive, almost fanatical lack of curiosity about the growing roster of goons surrounding the president and a money trail that leads to Moscow. There have always been plenty of lowlifes hanging around Trump. His hangers-on seem to absorb his character. One thing the impeachment trial will measure is the degree to which this process has taken hold of the entire Republican Party.

*This article appears in the January 20, 2020, issue of New York Magazine. Subscribe Now!


AGelbert

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The Battle to Impeach 🦀 Trump Is Part of a Global Struggle for Democracy

January 19, 2020

HENRY A. GIROUX, TRUTHOUT

The impeachment proceedings against Donald Trump often treat Trump's crimes as the endpoint of an abuse of power and an illegal act. This is a grave mistake: We must understand Trump's crimes not as an endpoint but as symptoms of a long history of conditions that have led to the United States' slide into the abyss of authoritarianism. Doing so brings into focus the ways in which the push to impeach Trump is part of the wider historical and global struggle taking place over democracy. Read the Article →
Rob not the poor, because he is poor: neither oppress the afflicted in the gate:
For the Lord will plead their cause, and spoil the soul of those that spoiled them. Pr. 22:22-23

 

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